Saturday 18 May 2013

SOCIAL WANTS AND THE UNINTENDED CONSEQUENCES



“As every individual, therefore, endeavour as much as he can both to employ his capital in the support of domestic industry, and so to direct that its produce may be of the greatest value; every individual necessarily labours to render the annual revenue of other society as great as he can. He generally, indeed, neither intends to promote the public interest, nor know how much he is promoting it. By preferring the support of domestic to that of foreign industry in such a manner as its produce may be of the greatest value, he intends only his own gain, and he is in this, as in many other cases, led by an invisible hand to promote an end which was no part of his intention. Nor is it always the worse for the society that it was no part of it. By pursuing his own interest he frequently promotes that of the society more effectually than when he really intends to promote it” (see footnote 1).

On the 10th of November 2006, mid-term elections in America confirmed a majority victory for the Democratic Party, a result that gave them power again after twelve years, and left a limp Republican President. If for anything that caused this shift, most important on the minds of Americans was the military presence of the U.S. in Iraq.  Donald Rumsfield, the Defense Secretary lost his job, and President Bush was left in office without a voice as unexpected effects of the Republican Party’s policies began to unfold.

In a bid to satisfy “public interest”, the Republicans I guess never did make anything of Alexis de Tocqueville when in 1831 he said, “no sooner do you set foot upon American ground than you are stunned by a kind of tumult; a confused clamor is heard on every side and a thousand simultaneous voices demand the satisfaction of their social wants”. Certainly, politicians and policy makers propose new legislations designed to make society a better place and make us better people. But, all policies have consequences, which they are hoped to achieve. However, in many cases, legislation brings other consequences that were neither intended nor desired by those who supported the law. And sometimes, laws don’t even achieve the goals they were meant to bring about.

For example, everyday, global consumers receive offers that just sound too good to be true. In the past, these offers came through the mail, or by telephone. Now, the con artists and swindler have found a new avenue to pitch their frauds – the internet. The on-line scams know no national borders or boundaries; they respect no investigative jurisdictions. But, as with all scammers, they have one objective – to separate you from your money! In several cases, even your life. Legislators are crying “there oughta be a law!” Laws to protect public interest from these thieves and fraudsters. But, how do these enacted laws affect our behaviour in both predictable and unexpected ways in a society where order is existent in human affairs.

In what many are calling America’s (or rather the world’s) fastest growing type of robbery, crooks are working without the usual tools of the trade. Forget sawn-off shot guns and ski masks: your name and Pension Number (see footnote 2) will do the trick, or that blank, pre-approved credit application you tossed out with the coffee grounds. Even talking on your phone or surfing the internet can allow someone you may never meet to rob you of the one thing you may have though safe from attack: your identity.

Identity theft is a criminal offense. It occurs when a person knowingly transfers or uses, without lawful authority, a means of identification of another person with the intent to commit or to aid or abet any unlawful activity that constitutes violation of federal law or that constitutes a felony under any applicable state or law. Identify fraud is digging into a consumer's pockets – around $221 billion by the end of 200, tripling to an incredible $2 trillion by the end of 2005 (see footnote 3). The British economy alone, suffers a loss of £1.3 billion per year. The knock-on effects are not limited to financial loss – it can take victims up to 300 hours of effort to regain their credibility with banks and credit reference agencies. Terrorist attacks could also be on the offing.

The number of identity theft victims and their total losses are probably much higher than reported. It’s hard to pin down, because law enforcement agencies may classify identity theft differently – it can involve credit card fraud, internet fraud or mail fraud, among other crimes. The perpetrator may use a variety of tactics to obtain your personal information and drain your finances: posing as a loan officer and ordering you credit report (which lists lines of credit); “shoulder surfing” at the ATM or phone booth to get your PIN code, “dumpster diving” in trash bins behind businesses or apartments for unshredded credit applications, cancelled checks, bank records or any documents containing personal information; or, stealing mail right out of your own mailbox.

An interesting point about theft is that it is a crime in which you decide whether to participate. Hanging up the phone or not responding to shady mailings or e-mails makes it difficult for the scammer to commit theft. But con artists are very persuasive using all types of excuses, explanations, and offers to lead you – and your money – away from common sense.

If producing, smuggling and peddling drugs were the crime of the 20th century, identity theft is the crime of the 21st century. While fighting the trade is now high on the agenda of most governments, identity theft is still to get the importance it deserves. In many countries around the world, it is yet to become even a cognizable offense. In some, the laws that exist to fight identity theft are hardly adequate. Even in the U.S., identity theft remains low on the agenda of lawmakers although the FBI has identified it as number 3 among its top 10 priorities. But, what is really galling is that while the internet is today teeming with criminals of various sizes, shapes and colors only a mere 5% of these co artists are caught and prosecuted. While the U.S. remains the country with the highest incidence of identity theft, - quite likely given that internet usage is highest in this country – Europe is not left behind. Despite such low legislative action, the laws in place and those in the process of gaining ground are continuing to push for prevention, by enhancing the penalties for any individual who steal an identity and uses that false identity to commit any one of a number of serious crimes. Furthermore, laws such as the Data Accountability and Trust Act (DATA) move for stricter security measures to protect consumer information; and the Fair and Accurate Credit Transactions Act of 2003 (FACT) make room for consumes to order free credit report (consumer pull). However, the Identity Theft Prevention Act of 2001 and Identity Theft Prevention Act of 2002, does not only help victims of identity theft correct their records but increase penalties by as much as five years for identity theft for the purpose of committing a terrorist act.

This became clearer when Nigerian born Jide Komolafe, 31, became one of the first people in the U.S. to be convicted under the Identity Theft Prevention Enhancement Act of 2004, which created the new offense of aggravated identity theft and added to years to the normal sentence. Justice caught up with him when he was sentenced February 2, 2006 to five and half years of prison (see footnote 4).

On the contrary, the “imperious immediacy of interest” (see footnote 5) attached to thee laws result to profiling, unexpected protests against these legislations, strain to hi-tech security and further injury to, and complication of victims’ and would-be victims’ plight. While terrorists like Ahmed Ressam are caught because like him, they would be ‘hinky’ (see footnote 6), others like the alleged “American Taliban” John Walker Lindh and British “shoe bomber” Richard Reid would have committed their intended crime before being caught. This is because profiling fails. To profile, is to generalize. It is taking the characteristics of a population and applying them to an individual. Profiling works better if the characteristics profiled are accurate. But ethics aside, profiling fails because most real fraudsters are overlooked. Active failures will be much more common than passive failures. Timothy McVeigh eluded arrest while law enforcement searched for Arab suspects, and DC snipers John Muhammad and Lee Boyd Malvo continued on a killing spree while officials looked for “a white man in a white van.” The greater majority of people who fit the profiles will be innocent. Brazilian electrician Jean Charles de Menezes, killed by the British police on July 22, 2005 was no more armed than the police officers themselves (see footnote 7). At the same time, some real fraudsters are going to deliberately try to sneak past the profile.

Although “consumer pull” from credit bureaux has no effect on credit, and consumers entitled to “freezing” their credits and fraud “alerts”, these measures deal with identify theft only after it has happened and not before – a case of bolting the stable door after the horse has been stolen. Freezers can interfere with the credit-issuing process, can be technically difficult to implement and can carry a cost that may be passed on to consumers. And although these credit monitoring options are available at no-out-of-pocket expenses (some customers could still see it. As another way for the bureaux to enrich themselves more), it can’t prevent identify theft but can reduce only the impact.

Strains in hi-tech used for the latest encryption, consumers screening and data security technologies, is more likely certain than expected. This is because however the hi-tech security measure, humans will still beat computers at ‘hinkiness-detection’ for many decades to come. Even institutionalized profiling is bound to fail – these fraudsters would have done their homework in identity faking.

Taxpayers also face a risk of identity theft, in legislations that allow tax preparers sell personal information of taxpayers with permission (see footnote 8) making room for tax preparers to produce a separate piece of paper of webpage requesting permission to describe personal information, is only going to make room for identity theft under the nose of identify owners and credit bureaux. Protesters are also going to stand on the fact that some legislations would fail to correct possible privacy and technical loop holes in attempts to save would-be victims from theft.

But however the consequences of legislations, the law is still one key institution that makes the co-ordination of a (free) society possible. It is a code that has evolved not at the hands of politicians but in the decision of judges. According to Tocqueville, “the spirit of the law which is produced in the schools and courts of justice gradually penetrates beyond their walls into the bosom of society, where it descends to the lowest classes, so that at least the whole people contract the habits and tastes of the judicial magistrate”. The law is respected because it is based on rules that have been tested in real life, and because the values and the spirit of the law are closely connected to the moral values of civilization.

The moral framework for human society is not set in stone neither is it in the self-interest of legislators, which have become a “basic value” for the enactment of these laws, but rather is constantly changing as new rules are discovered that allow the social order to function better. Life can be hard because it forces individuals to adjust to the needs of others. The society works because it coordinates conflicting desires by creating incentives for people to satisfy their own wants by satisfying those of others. And the hum of commerce eases the path of social cooperation, in part because it offers man opportunities that are simply not available when acting alone. Incentives allow us to cooperate with others even though our views on political issues or our religions beliefs may differ.

“It is not from the benevolence of the butcher, or the baker, that we expect our dinner, but from regard to their own self-interest”.

FOOTNOTES
1.                   A quote from notable economist Adam Smith in his book, The Wealth of Nations. In an article entitled “Unintended Consequences”, Rob Norton makes reference, to Smith’s understanding of unintended consequences in economic reality that people do act in their own self-interest and not public interest; while he did not argue that self-interest is always good, he has beneficial effects on the community.

2.                   Known as Social Security Number in the U.S. , Sweden and some countries; National Insurance in the U.K. or just Pension Number in some other countries, a pension is a steady income given to a person, made in the form of a guaranteed annuity to a retired or disabled employee. The program name could differ and vary but, it still focuses on the same aim.

3.                   According to the Analyst house, Aberdeen Group, this is only an estimate of loss, in global terms. This shows that possible financial loss greater than reported, is being suffered by victims to identity thieves.

4.                   Komolafe opened accounts at both Citizens and Charter One banks in the name of other people, made fake deposits and then withdrew money with a debit card. He was also convicted of bank fraud and identity theft. When he was arrested on 2nd August, 2004, Komolafe had his possession, identifying information including social security numbers of 68 people.

5.                   According to Rob Norton in his “Unintended Consequences”, Robert K. Merton referred to instances in which an individual wants the intended consequence of an action so much that he purposefully chooses of ignore any unintended effects. That type of willful ignorance is very different from true ignorance.

6.                   On 14th December, 1999, Ahmed Ressam tried to enter the U.S. by ferryboat from Victoria Island, British Columbia. In the trunk of his car, he had a suitcase bombs. His plans were to drive, to Los Angeles International Airport, put his suitcase on a luggage cart in the terminal, set the timer, and then leave. The plan would have worked had someone not been vigilant. Ressam had to clear customs before boarding the ferry. He had take ID, in the name of Benni Antoine Norris, and the computer cleared him based on this ID. He was wanted by the Canadian Police, on the other side of the Strait of Juan de Fuca, at Port Angeles, Washington. Ressam was approached by U.S. Customs agent Diana Dean, who asked some, routine questions and then decided that he looked suspicious. He was fidgeting, sweaty and jittery. He avoided eye contact. In Dean’s own words, he was acting ‘hinky’. More questioning ensued then there was no one else crossing the border, so two other agents got involved and more hinky behavior. Ressam’s car was eventually searched, and he was finally discovered and arrested.

7.                   Jean Charles de Menezes, 27, was a Brazilian electrician living in Tulse Hill, in South London. Menezes was shot and killed a Stockwell Tube Station on the London Underground by unnamed Metropolitan Police officers. Police later issued an apology, saying that they had mistaken him for a suspect in the previous day’s failed bombings and explosions, and was unconnected with the attempted bombings.



8.                   In December 2005, proposed changes on tax laws were announced in the U.S. The plan proposes to allow tax preparers to sell personal information of taxpayers with permission. While lawyers, consumer advocacy groups, and a few members of congress are raising a live and cry about the proposal, arguing that it will amount to identify theft. Proponents of the plan including the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) are defending it saying that it is part of larger process aimed at updating tax rules for the internet and electronic files.

Tuesday 14 May 2013

BABANGIDA'S WHITE ELEPHANT


Babangida's white elephant
The mammoth of lords
Before the city gate
After the town's skirt
Where no distinct mark is made
He leashed it there for rest
And it ate up our gmelina
Those tender carbon sinks
Awaiting ripening for the lumber's teeth
He brought it for a circus show
It was fed sackfuls of silver
But that place outside Kontagora
Became one more river to cross
And there it sits away from kindred
Cast away of the circus-full durbar

Monday 13 May 2013

EDEGBO AGAIN



I have not seen your voice 
The canary of dawn's worship 
Crackling chuckles for the anger-lion's cow 
The slithering hiss from a stung heart 
My axe is raised, the heaven-lies stirred 
You will ride echo's cart 
The lull of my plea to bring you home 
My yearn, waiting to be doused

EDEGBO



Edegbo was memory
Myth with whisper's wings
Cupid's prodigal child
I bargained for your heart
And you dally-ed a rock
Then threw cheese at me
After my arms built a tomb
And you slept in its womb
We profited from the sale of your soul
Before you decided to leave me hung
And cried for the comet and its show
I told you his tinder is but ashes
But you dimmed your light
And your silence cried for my arms
The tomb made only for you-
My maleness, that old prick
After we made gains
Of your heart's droppings
Fertilizer that grows my yearn

JAWS



Aw, with this weather?
Let the bombs rain
Warmth come forth for
Those without a blanket
Merry where the cisterns leak
They will hug calabashes
And gamble away sanity
Like Zacheus, of Jenta Mangoro
They pay the taxman of spirits
And kill the fake heart within
Those without a heart fall
Within Jaws - the city from chaos
Where anyone with some cash
Gets to thrust at Jaws
Sensitive mandibles between legs
There it burns the most
The rampaging fire in his tap
Seeking to be doused

Monday 6 May 2013

DON'T LOVE ME SWEET

Don't love me sweet
My heart's deep and wide
You can never fill it

Don't love me sweet
My heart's given up
To maternal love, surreal
 ­
Don't love me sweet
My heart's too broken
Your love can't mend it

Don't love me sweet
My heart's not for one
Yours' a loosing fight

Don't love me sweet
My heart's dead
Immortality reigns here

Don't love me sweet
My heart's given up to hell
You love but a bestial

Don't love me sweet
My heart's too selective
You don't fit the profile

Don't love me sweet
My heart's in need of reality
You, but a dream

Tuesday 23 April 2013

LORD OF ALL FEARS





Feet don’t fail me now
My demons becloud again
Wont for more than we bargained

Poke me dream, will you?
Dally your barrage of goodies –
Me of fairies treat

For my placebo smolders
Surety and party, locked at Doom
Like the flogged of bush-babies to penury

Fairy or djin, hunt me the lantern
Gold and silver to my feet
Love and power – the heart’s fill afterwards

Wednesday 9 January 2013

Youth Perceptions of Human Security in Africa


 The promotion of durable and sustained peace, socio-economic development and good governance emerged as the most pressing and recalcitrant challenges beleaguering Africa, particularly vivid in the final decade of the last millennium. Armed conflicts littered the continent with about 31 countries witnessing intense violence triggered by political or socio-economic disaffections in some sections of these countries’ polities and societies. HIV/AIDS poses a pervasive and non-violent threat to the existence of individuals, as the virus significantly shortens life expectancy, undermines quality of life and limits participation in income generating activities. The political, social and economic consequences are equally detrimental to the community, in turn undermining its security.
Changing weather conditions are reducing the ability to produce and distribute food. The most direct implications will be felt in agricultural losses and rising food prices undermines access to food by everyone who depends on markets for their consumption needs, possibly translating in to about 200 million Africans threatened by malnutrition and abject hunger. Even the crops manageably produced for exports, face an embargo in harsh trade policies slapped on importation from developing countries by the developed world, in a bid to plunge the Developing World in to more slavery, while, the advent of democracy across the African panorama heralds a show of ill-preparedness for the structures of democracy which now results in complex humanitarian emergencies and crises.
The crumble of colonialism in Africa, caused decomposed ethnic lines and City-State allegiances to bear cracks of insecurity and ill-preparedness to the glory and worship of urbanization, independence and civilization. This resulted in weaknesses in the State-centric concept of security, regarding development, human rights, peace and good governance. Thus, whether it concerned civil wars with their dramatic consequences, natural disasters and accidents, or yet, health crises and major pandemics, populations face life threatening dangers.
And even though the security of state sovereignty is very paramount in these circumstances, the protection and later, empowerment of people at individual and community levels – human security, has been labelled as essential to national and international security. Inter-ethnic conflicts, regional instability, poverty, disease, bad governance amongst others, shape the meaning and content of security today. The preamble of the United Nations Charter opens with the words “we the peoples of the United Nations, determined to save succeeding generations from the scourge of war…”, to indicate that the issues of peace and security, as well as economic and social progress and human rights, were – and to a large extent still are – seen as matters with the purview of individual states, their territories and their institutions, as at the time the United Nations Charter was adopted.
Today though, the definition of what constitutes and what influences human security is changing. Freedom from want and freedom from fear are increasingly recognized as not only emanating from the actions of States, but of others. Additionally, ethnic conflicts, regional instability and terrorist attacks, have forcefully demonstrated that the State is not the sole actor. National borders are permeable, and national sovereignty is no longer sufficient justification to avoid international scrutiny and action. In essence, human security thus, means safety for people from both violent and non-violent threats. It is a condition of state of being characterized by freedom from pervasive threats to people’s rights, their safety or even their lives. It is an alternative way of seeing the world, taking people as its point of reference, rather than focusing exclusively on the security or territory of governments. Like other security concepts, – national security, economic security, food security, and job security – it is about protection. Human security entails taking preventive measures to reduce vulnerability and minimize risk, and taking remedial action where prevention fails.
In 2000, 189 governments reached one of the great decisions of the 20th century, agreeing to work together to end extreme poverty, and to do it within 15 years. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as they are called set specific targets – on education, gender equality, child mortality, maternal health, disease and environmental sustainability – to protect the most vulnerable people, and empower them, thus providing them with human security. Eight years on, these targets seem unattainable. Every day that passes means in Africa, more mothers are losing their children to malaria, a mosquito bite, or diarrhoea, an upset stomach. Africa is most likely to record the least progress in the advent of any.
While the key triggers and causes of Africa’s woes and upheavals may differ from country to country, what is common to all of them is the central involvement of Africa’s youth, either as perpetrators, victims or both. As Alex de Waal puts it, “Children and youth represent the possibility of either an exit from Africa’s current predicament or an intensification of that predicament”.
Youth are an increasingly compelling subject for study in Africa, entering into political space in highly complex ways. To pay attention to youth is to pay close attention to the topology of the social landscape – to power and agency; public, national and domestic spaces and identities, and their articulation and disjunctures; memory, history, and sense of change; globalization and governance; gender and class. Youth as a historically constructed social category, as a relational concept, and youth as a group of actors, form an especially sharp lens through which social forces are focused in Africa. Through this lens, relations and constructions of power are refracted, recombined, and reproduced, as people make claims on each other based on age – claims that are reciprocal but asymmetrical. Youth figure centrally in debates and transformations in membership, belonging, and the hybridizations in membership, belonging, and the hybridization of identities – memberships in family and kinships, in ethnic groups, and in the state.
People who might be considered “youth” form an increasing proportion of the African population. By 2005, the African youth constituted 13% of the total global youth population (18% of the world’s population). Indeed, defined biologically as any person between the ages of 15 and 24, the African youth is expected to constitute 15% of total global youth population by 2015, thanks to the continent’s average annual population growth put at 2.7% and fertility rates at 5.1% over the past 30 years. This roughly translates that at least 62% or 654 million of the continent’s approximately 906 million people are under the age of 24. Furthermore, analysts deduce that only 5% of Africa’s population are aged 60 years and above – a reverse of the ageing trend in most developed countries. This phenomenon is exponential, but imbalanced growth in youth population is what some have described as a “youth bulge” – defined as a situation in which young adults aged 15-29 makeup at least 40% of a country’s population.
Youth today, have become the focus of rapid shifts in post colonial and global economy and society. In the “occult economies” of Africa, the potency of youth are extracted to sustain the power of those in authority while young people themselves feel increasingly unable to attain the promises of the new economy and society. In Niger in May 2000, a crisis of promise and frustration prompted secondary school students to riot, burning tires and barricading streets, protesting a shortened school year and the prospects of failing exams. In Sierra Leone in June 2008, a report on the spate of violence linked to inter-school sporting events revealed schoolchildren were smuggling weapons like knives, razor blades and bottles into the national stadium, where most of the competitions take place. Most of these schoolchildren were found to be those recruited during the civil war, who were still carried weapons. On the whole, critics continue to label Africa’s youth bulge as a major culprit in its travails and woes.
However, it is useful to note that it is only a tiny proportion of Africa’s youth population that have been involved in armed conflict, the said spread of the HIV/AIDS pandemic and other insecurities. The majority who rejects for example, violence, would perhaps be better appreciated if judged against the backdrop of the frustrations caused by failed and disrupted provision of public services, education and economic opportunities, compounded by ‘infantalisation’ by traditional elites, exploitation by business elites and marginalization by political elites; or those who are infected and affected by HIV/AIDS, would perhaps be better appreciated if public enlightenment, education and sensitization were taken seriously, condoms are made readily available and cheap to get, antiretroviral drugs are provided for infected people appropriately, and stigmatization is thoroughly cut out from the society.
These are as compared with the compelling incentives provided by rebel leaders to join armed groups; bribes doled out by top public office holders in money politics to try and buy over the suffrage of youths in order to remain in power and loot public treasury; and indeed, the force either through trafficking; rights abuse; parental consent and/or accord, to indulge in prostitution all as means of assuaging the natural human need for economic survival, self-preservation and empowerment, social relevance and belonging.
Current trends across Africa indicate a deepening and intensification of the cycle of poverty and economic malaise kick-started in the 1970s. Furthermore, increasing marginalization of large sections (principally youth) of the population from the mainstream socio-economic and political sphere have created a sense of social dislocation, and in some cases, strong disaffection, amongst youth. Put together, these elements culminate in economic pressures and social tensions which often conflagrate into full-blown conflicts. The threats of Africa’s youth bulge on the one hand; and opportunities and potentials that this bulge represents on the other, have left sections of the continent’s now vulnerable societies and governments uncertain as to how to respond. While there abound opportunities and potentials amidst this bulge, the threats to this bulge presently pitch Africa’s youth in a precariously vulnerable position, considering issues that concern political marginalization, employment, urbanization and rural-urban migration, food, HIV/AIDS and education. Over years of susceptibility, youth perceptions of human security are bordered around these aforementioned issues. In the advent of legislation, inadequate action beckons and where action sets in, there is inadequate legislation. When action and legislation lack a truce and is not in this case induced, to a large extent by uncertainty, spawns indecision.
One of the enduring failures of the post-independence nation building project across Africa has been the shrinking of the public space, limited opportunities for civic engagement and the increased marginalization of a majority of Africa’s vulnerable populations, particularly youth, from participating effectively in governance and political processes. This is ironic considering the euphoria of the collective fight against colonization and the subsequent victory of independence, which led to the ascendance of a majority of Africa’s post-independence ruling elites to the heights of political leadership in their youthful years. The irony itself lies in the reality that though it was the youth who spearheaded and fought for decolonization and against repression in several African countries, some of these same youth leaders – who became political leaders of their countries and societies – were often the same ones who suppressed and excluded youth from mainstream participation in the political arena. Clear examples are stories of the late Dr. Hasting Kamuzu Banda, the erstwhile dictator of Malawi; Paul Biya, ‘Life’ President of Cameroun; and Mr. Robert Mugabe, President of Zimbabwe.
As such, the era of post colonial governance in Africa increasingly witnesses the systematic exclusion and marginalization of youth from decision-making and political processes at national and local levels across parts of Africa. A vivid example, is a study carried out by The Conflict, Security and Development Group (CSDG) in Nigeria which identified that, “the minimum age for becoming a lawmaker at the state level and the Lower Chamber (House of Representatives) at the national level has been raised from 21 and 25 in 1979 and 1989, to 30 years in 2005, while that of a Senator (Upper Chamber at National Law-making Chamber) has been raised from 25 to 35 years. Unsurprisingly, there is no single member of the Senate who is under 35 years of age, and the average structure of Senators (2003-2007) shows that people aged 45-55 years form the core with 44% of the 109-member Chamber, followed by those between 36 and 40 years (17.2)%. Similarly, in the National House of Representatives, of the total 360 members, only five are under 35 years of age (all male), and people aged 41 to 51 years form the core (59%), followed by those under 40 years of age – 23% (but mostly within age 35-40 years) and those aged 52 years and above (15%). The average age in the House of Representatives is 45 years. The current state of affairs reflects deterioration in youth participation over time given that in 1993, 52.4% of members were between age 30 and 40 years, and this dropped to 46% in 1999 and 23% in 2005.”
The implications of the continued exclusion of youth from decision-making processes, both social and political portends ominous consequences as has been starkly displayed in countries like Liberia, Sierra Leone, Angola, Nigeria’s Niger Delta region, et cetera. The challenge is to prevent fragmentation, marginalization and polarization. Individuals in our societies are being traumatized and fragmented in different ways, and large groups are being excluded from the benefits of production. This situation characterizes many parts of Africa. The response to this problem, the response to this fragmentation problem is psycho-cultural; the response to this marginalization problem is socio-economic; and the response to this polarization problem is socio-political. The aim is to generate co-existence at minimum so that all of the different communities in the societies and nations in which you are part can join together optimally to produce higher levels of social cohesion. The requirement of social cohesion, on which societies and human security depend, is nonetheless being constantly undermined by the uncontrolled and uncontrollable pursuits of States.
The marginalization of youth however, transcends the political scene and extends to other major facets of decision-making and participation in mainstream society across Africa. For example, there are very few cases in which the youth ministry and the youth budget have been administered by youth themselves. This neglect has also been translated in to a recurring cycle of unemployment, unemployability and underemployment. The United Nations’ 2005 World Youth Report notes that 60.7 million and 102.1 million youth in Africa live under $1 and $2 respectively, with over 40 million under-nourished young people aged 15 to 24 years. These figures are further exacerbated by high-levels of youth unemployment, with access to education still a problem for many young people. Higher educational attainments do not guarantee a path in finding employment and where shrinking employment is rampart; job security often overrules job satisfaction as a motivator for young employees. This is made even worse by the problems of urbanization and rural-urban migration.
Across Africa, it has been observed that dysfunctional urbanization has generated three troubling consequences: first, the intensification of social frictions and strains among members of similar and different ethnic groups in the competition for political influence and limited socio-economic opportunities and resources. This often translates in to inter-group conflict, often entered around age-old ethnic and religious divides. Nigeria offers a good example with over 100 cases of inter-group clashes occurring between 1999 and 2005, mostly in cities such as Lagos, Kano, Kaduna, Bauchi, Jos and Warri among others. The second consequence relates to the upsurge in crime, especially juvenile delinquency, in major cities largely due to the influx of unskilled youth migrants from rural areas. The intense competition for limited economic opportunities and the limited skills to gain urban employment mean that youth migrants are more likely to engage or join underground criminal networks that abound in urban areas for their survival. Apart from getting involved in perennial turf wars between rival gangs, youth migrants especially those aged 16 to 29 years are likely to take to petty thieving, substance abuse or rape. For young girls, there is more intensive exploitation of their labour, their sexuality and their socio-economic vulnerability. They are often forcibly involved, or have no option but to resort to prostitution which increases their vulnerability to HIV/AIDS for example.
For the young girls in conflict zones, they are often abducted, sexually abused and forced to become ‘wives’ of rebels, often becoming impregnated and subsequently discarded by the rebels, reducing their opportunities for social re-integration and economic viability after the cessation of hostilities and leaving many with both mental and physical scars and long term health problems due to severe sexual abuse, rape and gang rape. A third consequence is the multiplier effect of diseases and infections arising from over-crowding and congestion, poor sanitary conditions and limited access to health care. With an alarming share of 60% of the world’s people living with HIV/AIDS, a huge number dying of tuberculosis and at least 200,000 children dying of malaria every 5 minutes, health remains a big issue in Africa. Infact, by 2006, a reported 1.7 million people were dying of AIDS annually, and more than 9 million children had lost one or both parents to AIDS in Africa. Although immense intervention have curbed and reduced prevalence in such places as Botswana, Zimbabwe, Kenya and Uganda, Swaziland and Lesotho still record some of the highest prevalence rates in the world while zones like Darfur, Somalia and the Eastern region of Goma in the Democratic Republic of Congo, remain high risk prevalence areas with sexual abuse and rape rampantly used as weapons of war. Thus, the 4.6% and 1.7 % infection rates of female and male youth populations respectively could go up.
While it must be noted that the spread of HIV/AIDS appears to be slowing down in Africa thanks to increasing involvement of governments and civil society groups in awareness and enlightenment campaigns, the HIV/AIDS scourge still presents serious immediate and long-term consequences for Africa’s youth. The first relates to the sheer loss of human capital, especially among the youth population who have been identified as the “most-at-risk” group, given their vulnerability as well as their tendency to engage in risky sexual behaviour, in comparison to adults. The impact of losing over 2 million people to HIV/AIDS scourge annually can have long-term consequences for the supply and quality of skilled youth in the private, public and civic sectors. The second impact is the associated problem of over 15 million HIV/AIDS orphans scattered across Africa. Several youth have to now take on additional burden of becoming heads of households, catering for their siblings in an already pressured and austere economic environment. The third relates to the acute lack of capacity to adequately address the HIV pandemic, highlighted by the inability to provide adequate antiretroviral drugs for most youth in affected regions. The final aspect is that HIV/AIDS is fast decimating Africa’s youth which make up its core labour force, its economic engine and its future.
Fast reactional measures become paramount to reducing the effects of HIV/AIDS in Africa. Education has proven to be a key medium for prevention of the spread of HIV/AIDS. Its effects on maternal and child health have been rewarding – education is correlated with improved reproductive health, reduced infant mortality and improved child nutrition. Education increases creativity, and makes it easier for job-seekers to find gainful employment, and most especially, help people living with HIV/AIDS (PLWHA), live ‘responsibly’ positive, and enlighten societies on the dangers of stigmatization; warn young people on the dangers around having unprotected sex; and discourage medical personnel on the transfusion of unscreened blood. This is perhaps the reason why the Millennium Development Goal (MDG) number two, is to achieve universal basic education with its third indicator as “literacy rate of 15-24 year-olds”. Education can be useful in resolving conflicts, and building peace. It encourages debate and dissent, and may discourage the resort to violence or crime.
Education is the process of enlarging people’s choices to live longer and healthier lives, to have access to knowledge, to have access to income and assets, and enjoy a decent standard of living. Basic literacy and numeracy can make a significant difference, as they provide a certain amount of independence from the readings and calculations of others. Education enables people to make informed decisions. Education builds and strengthens democracy – it arouses interest and increases participation through better understanding of issues. Also, people are better able to articulate and protect their rights when they are educated, and knowledge builds confidence to affirm one's rights. Education enlightens individuals and communities so they can aim to achieve goals and seek changes when necessary.
Youth literacy rates have generally improved in recent decades, increasing from 66.8% in 1990 to 76.8% in 2002. But this is still not good. Several factors account for the relatively low educational attainment in Africa. Education and schooling is still tied to socio-economic circumstances, and the progress in education remains affected by poverty. Education is under-funded – educational infrastructure, equipment and books, not to mention computers, are either limited in supply or simply unavailable. Moreover, there are also critical challenges associated with aligning school curricular to the peculiar needs and future development aspirations of particular African countries, as well as the need to match the rapid expansion in the number of literate young people with corresponding economic growth rates capable of absorbing the new, future outputs.
Education can help cut the high rate of unemployment, education can solve the problems of unemployability, and education can make underemployment a thing of the past. If youth get adequate education and literacy rates improve, the number of empowered minds armed with creative ideas which can be divested in to the various peculiar needs and development aspirations of their various countries increase, and the youth would no longer wait for their governments to create jobs. Indeed, skilled and competent youth will fill vacancies in the public service, but more would be empowered like Mo Ibrahim, to become entrepreneurs, owners of their own businesses, and employers of labour. On the long run, the problems of marginalization, the problems of fragmentation, and the problems of polarization will begin to die out to usher in an atmosphere of sustained socio-economic, political and cultural development.
Advancing human security requires a broader range of analysis than achieving the MDGs does, but the subject of human security has not yet been as fully articulated in terms of goals, targets and measurable indicators. The burgeoning body of work on the MDGs can therefore be helpful to future efforts to clarify and measure steps towards greater human security. We may need the MDGs as a timeline to hold our governments accountable. But we also need to ask ourselves as well, and hold ourselves accountable. The African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) initiated by the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) is being freely accepted by African governments even as it forms a key part of long-term conditions for sustainable peace and security. By ensuring good and democratic governance and respect for private enterprise, nations will be enabling poor people to access up-to-the-minute information, money and business expertise, as well as creating new commercial and employment opportunities. By opening up Africa to big companies in a Business Call To Action motive, initiatives from these and other companies will save almost half a million lives, create thousands of jobs, and benefit millions of people across Africa.
In the race to achieve the MDGs, one of the greatest untapped resources is the private sector. Businesses are beyond traditional business practices to also focus on the needs of those locked out of the global market and also show concern for the vulnerabilities of the African Youth in the ever evolving platform of global business; it will be much easier to make your next million dollars in Africa than in the United States or Britain. Growth and prosperity is the objective, not aid – the purpose of aid is to no longer require it. However, we must acknowledge the African youth as innovative, resilient, hard working and persevering; exhibiting high-levels of ingenuity and coping mechanisms in very volatile and insecure environments where lack of human security thwarts goals and aspirations.


*This essay was my entry to the 2008 Olusegun Obasanjo Presidential Library Essay Competiton. The references have been left out deliberately. Drop your email in a comment, and the full reference would be provided*